Kepapas

Kelebawan kitai Iban enti runding enda diubah,

Merinsa kitai Dayak enti perangai baka ke udah,

Begulai di rumah panjai ati enda manah,

Begedi meda pemisi orang bilik sebelah,

Puas ati kepapas dilah selalu nyumpah,

Mulut seneka nyebut liur selalu beludah,

Ati balat bedengki ngagai diri serumah,

Ngembuan ati ensiban atau balut kamah.

Indu mayuh jaku ngelulu jaku petenah,

Nembiak balat jegak bejalai niti rumah,

Ruai alai begagai gelegar abis patah,

Nganu bala penghulu kaban tuai rumah,

Madah sida jai adat ati enda manah,

Nyebut diri kediri deka pechah rumah,

Berebut nyadi tuai ngulihka upah,

Tuai tusah besai meda ulah enda berubah.

Patut kitai berunding miting diri serumah,

Peda kitai China kaya bulih mudah,

Duit ukai mimit penuh besarah-sarah,

Melayu baru nemu pandai megai perintah,

Ati sida segempung nadai pechah belah,

Tambi balat mereti nyual raban rempah,

Patut kitai nunda teladan ulah ke manah,

Nitih sebulih-bulih ajar ari perintah.

Enchuri mali mati disumpah Tuan Allah,

Penemu kitai adu perangai patut ubah,

Nembiak anang jegak mantah tuai rumah,

Nyabung badu agi enggaika kitai suah alah,

Bejudi anang sekali perintah ngumbai salah,

Badu kitai ngirup arak rua ngasuh mutah,

Laban mabuk kitai buruk jaku pan deka mangah,

Enggai orang ninga, semua kitai serumah.

Pantun asal dikarang Niang Dunging Anak Gunggu ari Nanga Ulai, Rimbas Ulu, Debak, Betong.)

Betubuh Bisi enggau Nyera

Kitai Iban endang iya idup enggau adat kenau iya ari kandung. Maya indai kitai ngandung ke kitia, iya endang iya udah idup betatika adat, niti nali sempekat ti dipeturunka ngagai peturun Iban kenyau ari kelia menya.

Nyadi terubah indu nemu diri deka betubuh bisi tauka ngandung nya lebuh iya ngasaika diri badu tauka ngetu datai kain. Ba bulan siti ti nangkanka nya, enti iya nadai ga datai kain nya baru iya amat nemu diri ngandung. Iya pan lalu belabuh ngitung bulan diri ngandung ari bulan ti keterubah iya nadai agi tauka ngetu datai kain nya tadi.

Sereta kandung iya udah lega, indu pan lalu belabuh tauka berasai nyera. Lebuh indu nyera ,iya tetengukka mayuh macham utai dempa kelebih agi baka buah masam enggau mayuh macham utai ti enda kala ka diempa iya baka ke ngelama tu. Bisi sekeda nya empegal deka ngempa utai ti enda patut, baka temu tak tetenguka pending laki diri empu, tai manuk enggau utai ti bukai.

1

Sera tu naka ulih meseti dipantupka. Pemesai iya bisi dikenang dalam cherita asal ti ngenang Keling ti nempuh bemacham penguji sereta nyau besabung nyawa deka ngulihka Buah Binjai ti berundai panjai tampuk ti diseraka Kumang aya iya ngandung.

Syarat Am Kemasukan Ijazah Sarjana Sastera (Bahasa Iban) Dengan Kepujian

IJAZAH SARJANA SASTERA (BAHASA IBAN) ) SECARA PENYELIDIKAN

  1. 1.       SYARAT AM KEMASUKAN

                  Ijazah Sarjana

  1. Ijazah Sarjana Muda dalam dengan Kepujian dan mendapat sekurang-kurangnya PNGK 2.75 atau PNGK yang boleh dipertimbangkan oleh Fakulti, dari Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris atau ijazah yang setara dari mana-mana institusi pengajian tinggi; atau
  2. Kelulusan lain yang diiktiraf oleh Senat; dan
  3. Memenuhi syarat-syarat khas program yang ditetapkan oleh Fakulti yang berkenaan jika berkaitan.
  4. Siswazah antarabangsa disyaratkan Lulus TOEFL 550 atau IELTS 6.0 kecuali siswazah yang mengambil bidang pengajian Bahasa Melayu atau bidang pengajian yang menggunakan Bahasa Melayu.
  1. 2.       SYARAT KHAS PROGRAM
    1. Calon boleh bertutur dan menulis dalam Bahasa Iban.
  1. i.        KAEDAH PELAKSANAAN PROGRAM
    1. Program dikendalikan secara penyelidikan sepenuhnya yang melibatkan cadangan kajian, penulisan tesis, seminar dan penerbitan. Pelajar boleh diminta untuk mengambil kursus-kursus tertentu sebagai audit atas cadangan Fakulti.
    2. Tesis boleh ditulis dalam Bahasa Inggeris atau Bahasa Melayu.
  1. i.        PENILAIAN / PEMARKAHAN PROGRAM

                  Ijazah Sarjana

  1.                                        i.      Seorang pelajar hendaklah mengemukakan satu tesis tidak melebihi 60,000 patah perkataan.
  2.                                      ii.      Tesis akan diperiksa oleh dua (2) orang pemeriksa yang terdiri daripada seorang Pemeriksa Dalam dan seorang Pemeriksa Luar yang dilantik oleh Senat berdasarkan pencalonan dari Fakulti.
  3.                                     iii.      Penyelia boleh hadir sebagai pemerhati serta memberi pandangan (jika perlu) kepada Jawatankuasa Viva.
  4.                                    iv.      Urusan pengendalian peperiksaan tesis hendaklah dibuat oleh Institut Pengajian Siswazah.
  5.                                      v.      Laporan penilaian tesis oleh Pemeriksa Dalam dan Pemeriksa Luar hendaklah berpandu kepada Borang Penilaian Tesis.
  6.                                    vi.      Laporan Pemeriksa Dalam dan Pemeriksa Luar hendaklah dihantar kepada Institut Pengajian Siswazah sebelum Viva diadakan.
  7.                                   vii.      Ahli Jawatankuasa Viva terdiri daripada:
  • Pengerusi: Dekan Fakulti atau wakilnya
  • Ahli: Pemeriksa Dalam
  • Ahli: Pemeriksa Luar
  • Ahli: Dekan Institut Pengajian Siswazah atau wakilnya

viii.      Perakuan penilaian tesis oleh Jawatankuasa Viva hendaklah dibentangkan untuk kelulusan Senat bagi:

  • menganugerahkan Ijazah Sarjana kepada pelajar tanpa pindaan kepada tesis; atau
  • menganugerahkan Ijazah Sarjana kepada pelajar tertakluk kepada pembetulan kesilapan kecil seperti kesilapan taip, ejaan, tanda baca, memperjelaskan fakta, hujah dan kesimpulan seperti yang disyorkan oleh Jawatankuasa Viva. Calon diberi masa tidak melebihi tiga (3) bulan untuk memperbaikinya. Pembetulan tesis hanya perlu oleh Penyelia sahaja; atau
  • menganugerahkan Ijazah Sarjana kepada pelajar tertakluk kepada pembetulan kesilapan sederhana besar seperti memperjelaskan fakta, hujah dan kesimpulan serta menulis semula sebahagian daripada tesis seperti yang disyorkan oleh Jawatankuasa Viva. Calon diberi masa tidak melebihi enam (6) bulan untuk memperbaikinya. Pembetulan tesis hanya perlu disahkan oleh Penyelia dan Pemeriksa Dalam jika diputuskan dalam Mesyuarat Viva; atau
  • menganugerahkan Ijazah Sarjana kepada pelajar tertakluk kepada pembetulan kesilapan besar seperti menganalisis semula data, membuat semula kesimpulan dan menulis semula sebahagian tesis. Tesis yang diperbaiki ini perlu diperiksa semula dan diperakukan oleh Jawatankuasa Viva. Calon diberi masa tidak melebihi dua belas (12) bulan untuk membuat pindaan atau;
  • Gagal dan tidak dianugerahkan ijazah Sarjana.

ix.            Gred Tesis

Gred berikut boleh diberi untuk pencapaian sesuatu tesis:

  • Lulus, atau
  • Gagal

*** Tanya silik tau dipanjaika ngagai aku ba laman twitter @AllenCharlie

The role of Adat

In order to understand the social role of adat it is necessary to describe some of the main features of traditional Iban society that bear on its workings as a body of primary rules, sanctions and judicial principles. The basic jural units of Iban society are the longhouse and the family. Essentially the longhouse consists of a series of family apartments, joined laterally, and connected by a communicating passageway, gallery and open-air verandah. Each apartment, or bilek, together with its section of gallery and verandah, is separately owned and maintained by a single family, much like a row of terraced apartments. Each family, whose members share a bilek, subsists as an independent domestic unit (cf. Freeman 1958). The family possesses its own fields and other lands on which its members cultivate their own rice, grow and collect a large variety of supplemental crops, and in general produce very nearly all of their other necessities. Although it may exchange labor (beduruk) with members of other families, the bilek family is responsible for its own affairs and prospers or fails largely on its own. In addition to its landholdings, fruit trees and standing crops, its bilek apartment and agricultural and domestic tools, every family also owns its own jars, brass wares and other heirloom valuables, possesses charms and other ritual paraphernalia, and is subject to its own ritual prohibitions, or pemali.

In composition, the Iban family is typically a small group, very similar to that of European and American society, except that it is organized as an enduring group. In each generation, one child, either a son or a daughter, real or adopted, remains after marriage in possession of the bilek to continue the family group and take over the temporary management of its economic and ritual estate. The Iban are highly concerned with the perpetuation of the bilek family. This is stressed through the use of important symbols of continuity, such as sacred strains of rice, ritual prohibitions and the inheritance of personal names, and it is the responsibility of each generation of family members to provide, as far as possible, for the future wealth and well-being of subsequent generations.

It can be seen from this that the Iban family is clearly a significant right-bearing unit in a jural sense. In addition to rights in tangible property, the family is also the focus of a complex of social rights and duties traditionally enjoined and upheld by adat. Some elements of family law are discussed here, particularly in connection with marriage, divorce and adoption, but a more detailed description of the jural nature of the family, provisions of membership, inheritance and division of its properties can be found in Freeman (1958, 1970: 1-60). In general terms, the family is a primary unit of jural rights and liabilities. The family head is responsible for defending its interests against encroachment and for representing its members should they be involved in litigation with the members of other families. When a family member is found guilty of a wrongful act, fines are usually paid out of family resources. Also owing to Iban notions that personal character is inherited, a family’s reputation suffers from the misdeeds of its past members.

Although each of its component families is largely autonomous, the longhouse as a whole also functions as an important legal unit. In former times, every longhouse was, as we have noted, a politically sovereign community. Even now, the longhouse headman is looked upon as the chief guardian of community adat. He and other longhouse elders are expected to be well-versed in adat and to make known to their followers what the rules of adat require of them. Through informal meetings and judicial hearings they are also expected to enforce compliance with these rules and, following their stipulations, resolve disputes and redress complaints that arise within the community.

In addition to this the longhouse as a whole is thought to possess a collective ritual status with regard to the spiritual world (Richards 1963: 1-2). Ritual is essential to preserve the spiritual well-being of the whole longhouse, as well as its families separately, and in the middle sections of this study Mr. Sandin outlines the major ritual festivals, or gawai, performed by the longhouse and describes the adat gawai, or rules of ritual procedure, that govern the performance of each of these festivals. More generally yet, observance of adat and ritual well being are closely interrelated, a point I shall return to presently. As the author stresses at the outset of this study, the longhouse is a religious congregation, whose members are bound together by ties of ritual interdependence. For this reason, adat is of special importance to the Iban, for not only does it preserve social harmony among longhouse members, but, in doing so, it makes possible ritual cooperation upon which their collective prosperity and well-being is thought to depend.

Legal Procedures

In the early chapters of Part One, the author describes specific rules of adat, the breach of which is met with by formal legal actions, including ritual expiation, fines or other forms of reparation. Here Mr. Sandin is concerned with adat generally, and in treating legal aspects of adat, his interest is primarily with the substantive side of customary law. However, some account of the legal procedures by which judicial decisions involving adat are made and enforced is useful here, given the social importance of adat in containing conflict and defining and upholding community norms.

Before the establishment of Brooke rule there were a number of offences in Iban society for which an individual might be killed: incest, arson, adultery when discovered in flagrante delicto, and homicide within the community (Heppell 1975: 146). In the latter two cases, Iban leaders traditionally intervened in an effort to forestall bloodshed. Well before the Brookes arrived, a system of blood compensation (pati nyawa) existed as a means of averting retaliation in the case of homicide. This system is described here, and elsewhere Mr. Sandin (1967: 87) has given an historical account of its use. Despite the presence of this convention, revenge killing was always a danger, as Iban leaders formerly lacked the power to compel their followers to make compensation.

In other situations when a person refuses to make reparation for a wrongful act, its victim may take recourse by forcibly seizing property belonging to the transgressor. The property seized is not necessarily kept, but part of it may be later returned after a settlement is negotiated. This institution is called ngerampas. Ordinarily the victim seeks to gain the backing of his kindred before proceeding and must pledge jars to compensate any supporters killed or injured in carrying out the seizure. Those who take part arm themselves and the appropriation is done openly and with force. Ngerampas is not necessarily a final settlement, but was often used in the past as a way of compelling the transgressor and his kindred to submit to negotiations. The procedure is dangerous, for it might meet with resistance, but this was generally discouraged by a convincing display of force and the knowledge that the attacking party is acting upon a legitimate grievance. Heppell (1975: 162-166) gives an excellent account of ngerampas for the Batang Ai region where, despite government suppression, it continued to be practised until recently. In the Saribas it was abandoned much earlier, falling into abeyance by the end of the last century, and instead reparations in value were imposed in face-to-face hearings (baum) backed by longhouse and regional leaders.

Another form of self-help traditionally permitted was resort to the use of wooden weapons in the conventions of batempoh and bepalu. These are described in the first chapter of this study. Heppell (1975: 177-88; 1976) also gives an account of bepalu from the Batang Ai, but there are significant local differences as noted in later textual notes. In Saribas, bepalu formerly occurred only in cases of adultery and was a form of private retaliation in which a cuckolded husband took direct action against an adversary, using a club or with the intent of administering a sound beating.

Again, the dangers of the procedure were recognized, as it occasionally resulted in fatalities or an outbreak of feud, and traditionally leaders sought to compel the parties involved to accept mediation by judicial hearing. In historical times, the practice in Saribas was for the longhouse headman to sacrifice a cockerel the moment a case of adultery was known. This constituted a public announcement that the matter was under judicial review. Once this was done the adversaries were not permitted to confront one another until a hearing was convened, and thus resort to self-help was treated as an affront to the headman’s authority and was fined accordingly. This practice also prevented killings in the event that the couple was found in flagrante delicto.

Batempuh was, in contrast, a public contest. It was resorted to in cases of boundary disputes between neighboring communities, in which neither side would voluntarily agree to withdraw its claim. The matter was settled by a fight in which the two sides were permitted to use only wooden clubs instead of spears and swords. The side that lost the fight was forced to withdraw its claim and the contested land was awarded to the victors. Leaders of the two sides were required, as a precondition, to pledge jars to compensate for deaths or injuries incurred by their followers, and the contest itself had first to be sanctioned, and was under the strict supervision of regional leaders. In the Saribas major leaders sought traditionally to avert batempoh because of the danger that people might be killed and actual fighting break out. The historical data that Mr. Sandin cites here suggests that their efforts were usually successful.

In particularly intractable cases, resort was sometimes made in the past to legal contests or ordeals in which the outcome was believed to be super-naturally determined. These ordeals are also described in the chapter that follows and consisted of diving contests (kelam ai), cockfights (nyelam), and the thrusting of hands into boiling water (bachelok belong) or into a fire (bachelok api). As a general rule, these procedures were used, as tests of innocence or ways of choosing between conflicting claims, particularly those of ownership, in situations where there exists no possible way to arrive at an infallible Human judgment. Like batempoh, ordeals were conducted according to strict rules, were judged by impartial witnesses, and were supervised, and compliance with their outcome upheld, by regional leaders. Ordeals had the advantage of giving a clear-cut verdict which other forms of legal action might not be able to achieve because of a lack of evidence or demonstrable proof. Partly as a result, elimination of ordeals proved difficult, despite government prohibitions at various times, as the author notes here in connection with diving contests.

Traditionally Iban leaders sought to settle disputes, as far as possible, through negotiation and attempted to avert recourse to self-help and other means that might potentially lead to open violence. In this, they were greatly aided by the highly comprehensive nature of traditional adat itself, which, although unwritten gave systematic definition of offences and correct punishments. Also important in this connection was the role formerly played by “go-betweens”. Within a longhouse, respected elders frequently intervened in disputes, restraining the two sides and acting with their consent as negotiating agents. Such intervention was strongly supported by Iban values, particularly by the notion that a breach of adat or unresolved contention posed a collective spiritual danger to the well being of all community members. Public-spirited elders, including the longhouse headman and friends of the disputants, might even agree to make token compensation themselves, called sa-uta iring manok. In doing so, a speedy settlement was often achieved that avoided acrimony and possible loss of face by the principals.

In disputes between the members of different longhouses, the role of the go-between was much more formalized. Ordinarily the go-betweens representing the aggrieved party traveled to the culprit’s longhouse and invited the elders of the settlement to a meeting. In the Saribas these go-betweens were called penunggu. Upon arriving at the culprit’s longhouse, they typically constructed a shelter (langkau penunggu) some distance away made of materials supplied by the culprit’s kinsmen. Here they received unarmed emissaries from the latter’s longhouse, and it was these third parties who negotiated a settlement on behalf of the principals. Except in the remote Ulu Layar, this practice died out in the Saribas in the 1880′s, but Heppell (1975: 221) reports that the use of go-betweens still persists in a modified form in Batang Ai. As a warring people, Iban culture traditionally placed high value on masculine aggressiveness and for this reason the use of go-betweens was traditionally an important judicial convention because it allowed the principals to submit to negotiation without direct confrontation and made it possible to make and accept reparation without suffering loss of face.

Of even greater importance was the face-to-face hearing, the baum or betunga. Heppell (1975: 8-9) sees the present day system of longhouse and Penghulu courts (bechara) as a “hybridization” of the traditional Iban baum and the introduced concept of the court. However, there appears to have been some difference here between major regional groups in the relative importance in the past of the baum as a judicial institution. In the Saribas, local and regional leaders appear to have exercised greater authority than was generally true among the Iban elsewhere. Consequently they seem to have enjoyed greater success in compelling disputants to accept negotiation in face-to-face hearings and the decisions made by the baum appear to have carried greater force traditionally than may have been the case elsewhere. Thus these hearings functioned as a nascent court system well before the arrival of the Brookes. However, Heppell is right when he points out (1975: 227) that their nature was profoundly altered when the formal authority of the state backed decisions. Even so, the present day bechara is thoroughly in-digenized and its workings are closely modeled on those of the traditional baum. More than this, the baum itself remains the chief means by which local conflicts are resolved.

The term baum, or aum, describes any meeting convened by a local leader. These meetings may be held for a number of reasons. In the Saribas, for example, a general distinction is made between baum mit and baum besai, “small baum” and “large baum”. The latter is typically a conference of headman and other leaders from neighboring communities who gather to discuss some matter of general concern. The baum mit, on the other hand, is convened by the longhouse headman, usually for the purpose of resolving a private matter between his followers. The matters dealt with are frequently disputes, or complaints brought by one longhouse member against another. Here the Tuai Rumah acts, not so much as a judge, as an arbiter, attempting sometimes with the help of kin and neighbors, to persuade the two parties to settle their differences amicably. Such baum usually make an informal settlement possible without the need for judgment (di bechara) otherwise, except in the case of serious wrong-doing, they represent the first stage in the process of adjudication and provide the Tuai Rumah with an opportunity to gain a better understanding of the issues involved in the dispute.

Another form of baum is the baum rumah. This is a meeting called by the Tuai Rumah to which representatives of each family are invited to discuss matters of common interest to the whole longhouse. Despite their individualism, the Iban frequently refer important decisions to the whole community, and once a decision is made through community discussion, individual longhouse members are expected to accept and follow the consensus arrived at. Such meetings may be called for a number of special purposes. The baum bumi, for example, is held just before the beginning of a new farming year to discuss farming matters, such as the location of padi fields, or to synchronize the time of clearing. The baum begawai is held to arrange for any kind of gawai festival, to determine the Tuai Gawai – or festival leader, the number of guests to be invited and so on. The baum ngaga jalai is held to discuss the clearing or maintenance of public paths and waterways. If, for example, a fallen tree blocks a river or stream to boat travel within the longhouse domain, such a meeting is called to organize a community work party to remove the obstruction. The baum berumah is held to plan the construction of a new longhouse, to pick a site, decide upon the order of bilik apartments and so on, and the baum rabat, to arrange vigils for the dead. Typically each of these meetings is held on the Tuai Rumah’s gallery in the evening after the main work of the day is done. Unlike the baum mit, they rarely have to do with legal disputes. Nevertheless, questions of adat regularly arise, and in the course of deliberations the responsibilities of each family are often stipulated and fines agreed to in the event that these responsibilities are not fulfilled.

If a complaint is serious or cannot be resolved informally, by a small baum, a public hearing, or bechara, is called by the Tuai Rumah, usually upon the request of one or both of the disputants. Ordinarily this is done in minor cases only after all possible channels of informal settlement have been exhausted. A basic principle of Iban judicial process is utai mit gaga nadai, “make small things nothing”, meaning that, in petty trouble cases, every effort should be made to erase a dispute by mutual conciliation before it reaches the level of formal litigation.

A public hearing is held on the gallery of the Tuai Rumah, and usually on neighboring ones as well, as longhouse bechara is typically well attended. Notice is given some days in advance, and, if necessary, messengers are sent out to call back those staying at their fields. Besides the disputants, witnesses and community elders, representatives from each family in the longhouse are notified and expected to be present. All are free to take part in the deliberations that are open to the whole community. Seated near the Tuai Rumah on the principal gallery are senior family heads and other elders known for their knowledge of adat or otherwise respected in the community for their success in practical affairs. The Tuai Rumah, or the Penghulu in the case of the Penghulu’s bechara, is expected to call for the public counsel of these men before he pronounces a final judgment. Their advice is usually concerned with identifying the appropriate rules of adat and of fitting their provisions to the specific circumstances of the case being heard. In doing so, they often cite precedent from judgments made in past cases of a similar nature. Their counsel is important and in the Saribas is formalized in the case of the Penghulu’s court in the requirement that the Penghulu take the advice of at least two elders before coming to a decision. Their combined knowledge of adat and of past judgments adds to the authoritativeness of the final decision arrived at, and helps to ensure its impartiality and faithfulness to the living tenets of adat thus established through judicial usage.

When everyone has assembled on the galleries, the Tuai Rumah opens the meeting by stating that its purpose is to-settle a dispute and that, while strong emotions may be involved, those taking part must act respectfully so as to restore goodwill between the litigants and their kin. In this manner the Tuai Rumah calls the attention of everyone present to the purpose of the bechara and impresses on them their overriding responsibility to preserve community order. Should the disputants, or their supporters interrupt the proceedings by talking out of turn or behaving abusively, this is dealt with at once, as disrespect toward the Tuai Rumah, and the culprits are fined and must pay up before the proceedings can continue. Such fines are called hukum tuai. Feelings often run high during a bechara, and maintaining respect for the proceedings is crucial to gaining acceptance of the decision finally arrived at.

Consistent with the further judicial ideal of utai basal gaga mit, “make large things small”, the basic purpose of the bechara is not so much punitive action, as conciliation. In handling more serious cases, “large things”, the task of the Tuai Rumah is essentially to find a solution that both parties can accept. Ideally such a solution should restore at least some degree of goodwill.

In order to achieve this it is necessary that the pertinent rules of adat be isolated and clearly stated and that the final judgment be linked to the opinions of the senior counselors and others present and be supported by the weight of former judgments. In the course of the hearing itself, each side is called upon to present its case and the evidence of witnesses is also heard. In this manner, by freely discussing the issues of contention, those who take part in the bechara are able to make an attribution of rights and wrongs, and the Tuai Rumah makes explicit use of the general consensus arrived at in this way in rendering his final judgment. As a result, it is difficult for the adversaries to reject the solution thus handed down by the bechara.

The presence of kinsmen and neighbors is also a strong restraining pressure and recognition of the fact that all must go on living together means that most settlements involve some degree of mutual concession. Also as Mr. Sandin stresses here, the Tuai Rumah and Penghulu take special pains in passing judgment to allow the adversaries, particularly those found at fault, to accept the decision with a minimal sense of personal defeat.

The basic objective of both the baum mit and the bechara is to extinguish a dispute (madam ka laya). As Heppell writes (1975: 299),

“The Iban judicial decision need not result in what a Westerner would regard as a just solution, but it does result in the adversaries openly agreeing to terms which extinguish a dispute and enables a modicum of harmony to be restored to the group.”

Thus a solution is sought to which both parties can accede. This may involve a consideration not only of justice, but of the determination and personal circumstances of those involved. Even so, the rules of adat are always important, and all decisions must be made within their framework. The headman and other elders must take care not to give advice that is contrary to adat, because any decision that they make may be used as precedent for settling similar disputes in the future. In offering counsel they are expected to cite the rules of adat that fit the case and, taking into account intent and possibly other factors bearing on the case, specify the fine or other sanction stipulated by these rules.

A common saying in the Saribas is that, “by using the staff of adat”, the tungkat adat, symbolized by the staff formerly sent out by the Penghulu to summons litigants to his court, “one is able to stay on the main path”, that is, in the path of right conduct. Thus every legal judgment should be faithful to the principles of adat. That these principles continue to work, despite the rapidly changing nature of Iban society, is itself evidence of the continuing respect in which adat is held by the Iban, the comprehensiveness of its principles and the considerable judicial skills possessed by contemporary Iban leaders in applying them to the varying conflicts that arise in everyday life.

Finally in reviewing Iban legal procedures, it must be remembered that these coexist today with a superimposed structure of state and national legal institutions. From the early decades of Brooke rule, the immediate link between the two has been the District Court. Ultimately all decisions made by local bechara may be reviewed by the District Court, while cases outside the jurisdiction of local bechara come directly under its purview. During the Brooke period down-river Iban made frequent use of the District Court, particularly in land disputes, and historically it represents a highly important legal institution to the Iban. An account of the District Court is beyond the scope of this study.

Heppell (1975: 286 and 336) presents a tabulation of cases heard in the Second and Third Division courts at different times between 1860 and 1930, based on court records, which gives a useful picture of the types of cases brought before it. However, the District Court itself is mentioned only in passing, and a systematic study of its impact on traditional mechanisms of social control remains to be made.

In the decades immediately before and after the turn of the century, the Iban came to be known as an extremely litigatious people owing to the frequent use they made of government courts (cf. Pringle 1970: 190-94; Ward 1966: 128-29). It is clear for the Saribas at least that courts were used, among other things, as an arena in which the authority of political rivals was challenged and inter community boundaries were contested in a time of rapid economic change and mounting population pressure. This is very much less true today, and it is interesting to note that the Saribas Iban now resort far less often to government courts than they did formerly. For example, in the Paku area of the Saribas, which has an Iban population of some four thousand persons, court hearings are extremely rare today, and even local bechara are infrequent; to my knowledge less than two dozen formal bechara, including longhouse bechara, have been held in the whole area since the Japanese occupation. This situation reflects, I believe, the continued resilience of adat and continuing effectiveness of the more informal process of longhouse conciliation described here. However, in the absence of a study of the District Court, it remains uncertain how wide spread these changes are among the Iban.

Adat and Ritual

In traditional Iban society ritual and spiritual belief played an important role in upholding adat. Large areas of adat are believed to have been revealed, or conferred upon mankind, by the gods. Thus the repudiation of adat invites divine displeasure and possible retaliation by the gods and spirits. Retaliation might befall the transgressor alone, but very often it threatens the entire community to which he belongs. Thus anyone who refuses to follow adat is thought to bring his community, his longhouse and possibly even the larger river area in which he lives, into spiritual danger, and in former times he might, in extreme cases, have been ostracized as a result, and left at the mercy of strangers.

In addition many of the primary rules of adat are best described as ritual observances (see Richard 1963). These include interdictions, or taboos (penti-pemali). Their infraction requires, in most instances, ritual expiation and the provision by the transgressor of ritual objects for sacrifice and to strengthen the soul or souls of those endangered by his actions. The nature of the objects provided varies with the taboo violated. For minor infractions, an egg might be sufficient, but for more serious cases, chickens or pigs are required for sacrifice and blood lustration. Unless ritual counteraction is taken supernatural punishment is thought to result. For the most serious offences, such as incest or mockery of animals, the result is universal wrath, or kudi, in the form of natural calamities, floods, earthquakes, destruction of crops, epidemics, famines and miraculous petrifaction.

On the other hand, faithful observance of pemali and other ritual injunctions prescribed by adat is thought to ensure spiritual favor and the continuing goodwill of the gods and spirits. Those who adhere to adat are thus rewarded and enjoy protection from spiritual harm. Some wrongful acts are thought to cause those who commit them to become spiritually cursed (busong). The consequences more specifically fall upon the transgressor, or members of his immediate family and those who are cursed are thought to suffer illness, accidents or other misfortunes as a result. An act of theft, for example, causes the thief to suffer misfortune, even if the theft itself goes undetected. In this way the notion of busong reinforces secular fines and moral norms as an important support of the Iban legal system (cf. Heppell 1975: 128-31). This is because many of the acts thought to cause busong are covert, like theft, adultery or other sexual delicts, and so are often undetected, or if suspected, are difficult to prove. Thus even though a wrongful act may remain unpunished, a sense of moral disapproval is reinforced by a belief that the culprit will eventually be visited with misfortune as a consequence of his actions.

The Iban believe that anyone who successfully cheats another, or escapes punishment for his crimes, even though he might appear to profit temporarily, ultimately suffers supernatural retribution (tulah). In addition, a person who refuses to accept a judicial settlement is similarly thought to suffer busong or unlucky. In traditional society the coercive effect of this notion was important because the settlement of disputes depended upon the mutual acceptance of a judicial decision by the contending parties, as there existed no external means of enforcement beyond the diffuse social pressure exerted by community elders, kindred and other longhouse members.

As a rule, busong is the automatic consequence of many kinds of wrongful acts and there is ordinarily no ritual defence against its occurrence. There are also a number of pemali, or taboos, the consequence of whose violation cannot be counteracted by ritual expiation, or by reparation to those who might otherwise suffer as a result. Thus there are a number of relatively minor pemali, for the breach of which there is no fine or prescribed ritual sanction, even though it causes possible spiritual harm to others. For example, in Saribas a person should not drag rattan or other jungle vines (randau) from the river landing to the longhouse, for doing so is believed to invite demonic spirits (antu gerasi) into the house. Similarly a person should not pound bark cloth from the late afternoon until dark for fear of attracting spirits to the settlement. Both these acts are prohibited (pemali), but neither is fineable nor met with by ritual sanctions. However, those who break them endanger themselves and others and are likely to be roundly condemned.

Formerly the Iban, by the use of charms and other supernatural means, protected their padi crops, fruit-trees and other property from theft, as well as from other forms of loss. Should an individual suffer loss from an unknown thief, he might curse the culprit. In other situations, however, the use of curses was strongly disapproved and anyone suffering illness or misfortune as a consequence of having been cursed by another person was entitled by adat to claim damages. In the case of a dispute, should one party curse the other, the former thereby forfeits any claim to reparation in connection with the original transgression.

Anything owned by an individual is thought of by the Iban as an extension of his person. As a result, any loss or damage done to an individual’s property also harms its owner, not in a direct physical sense, but spiritually, by causing injury to the owner’s spiritual personality, or soul (samengat). In the same way, a physical injury, or the loss of social esteem is likewise thought to harm an individual’s soul. Thus any act that causes another person bodily injury, loss of social respect, or does damage to his property is seen by the Iban, not only as a secular grievance, but also as an attack upon the victim’s soul, and in all such instances ritual compensation is required to repair the spiritual injury done, in addition to any secular damages, or indemnities, that might be claimed. The notion of the soul thus has a highly important legal dimension in Iban adat and secular forms of redress are reinforced in cases of personal loss caused by others by ritual reparation.

Injury to the soul is thought to impair its owner’s ability to withstand the attacks of malevolent spirits and other agents of supernatural danger. As a result, the victim is likely to suffer illness and possibly even death. To prevent this, remedial measures must be taken to restore the vitality of his soul. These measures vary with the loss he has suffered and are described later on in this study for different types of personal injury and property damage. However, the general remedy is a ritual strengthening of the soul (kering samengat). The party guilty of causing injury is required to produce the ritual objects needed for this rite, ordinarily a chicken for sacrifice; a metal object, usually a knife or adze blade, used to impart strength to the injured soul, and a small jar for spiritually containing it and so keeping it secure. At times an injurious act may constitute a collective danger to the inhabitants of an entire longhouse.

Heppell (1975: 133-134) gives a useful account of these ritual remedies as a social control mechanism and hypothesizes that the ritual strengthening of the soul was the earliest conventionalized means of making reparation in Iban society. Out of these measures developed later on the practice of making payment of value, in the form of fines and indemnities. Whether this is the case or not, there can be little question as to the importance of these ritual remedies. Until a trouble case is settled, and the possible injury done to the soul of the aggrieved party is mended, the victim is thought to live in spiritual danger.

Consequently strong disapproval is likely to be expressed towards a transgressor who refuses to make reparation, or is slow in doing so. Illness tends to be seen as the physical manifestation of an ailing soul. Thus if the injured party should subsequently fall ill or die, this is likely to be attributed to the fact that reparation was never made, and the original culprit may be held responsible and can expect to face additional damage claims, backed up in the past by possible threats or retaliation by the victim’s supporters.

The spiritual danger of unresolved contention may effect not only an individual through harm done to his soul, but may collectively endanger the whole longhouse to which he belongs. Dissension within a longhouse and failure to abide by the adat rumah, the “longhouse rules”, are believed to cause a state of angat, or spiritual “heat”. The community is described as “hot”, in a spiritual sense, and as a result its members are likely to suffer chronic illness, crop failures, famine and other misfortunes. In addition, the effectiveness of major rituals performed by the longhouse is thought to be lessened when a community is divided by internal quarrels.

Thus traditionally, for example, before the major farming rites that precede the initial clearing (manggol) of farms can be held, it is necessary first to clear away all outstanding litigation, particularly boundary disputes, so as to restore social cohesion within the community performing the rites, as a necessary pre-condition to their success. Thus longhouse members are compelled to settle their differences. In the case of major ritual festivals as well, all are opened by admonitions delivered by the community leaders present to all of those who have gathered enjoining them to put aside their past grievances, avoid quarrelling and breach of adat, for the success of the rituals they perform depend upon their preserving social harmony among themselves.

Finally large areas of adat are concerned directly with relations between mankind and the spiritual world and stipulate the correct form of ritual activity, the order and content of prayers and invocations and the nature of offerings to be made on different occasions. More generally yet, it is believed that the gods and spirits are themselves subject to adat. In this connection, Jensen (1974: 112) has argued that for the Iban, adat comprises a “divine cosmic order and harmony … designed to ensure a mutually satisfactory relation between men and other inhabitants of the universe”. Thus, man, to the Iban, he argues (1974:112),

“is part of a whole which encompasses other people and other levels of existence. He believes the universe to be inhabited by various groups, human, spirit, animal and vegetable, which have some interests in common but also some diverging and conflicting interests. Adat exists to ensure harmony in this universe and to promote the well-being of all its inhabitants, among them the Iban”.

Any offence against adat disturbs this universal order (1974:113). Thus a state of harmony or equilibrium is said to exist between mankind, nature and the spiritual world. Any infraction of adat disturbs this harmony and creates a state of disequilibrium in man’s relationships with the gods and spirits. Heppell (1975: 277) quite rightly disputes this view. The Iban tend to view these relationships in more highly personalized terms. While actions contrary to adat are thought likely, in many instances, to provoke the displeasure of the gods and spirits, or to lay individuals or whole communities open to spiritual attack, in virtually all cases it is particularly individuals and communities and specific gods and spirits that are involved, not abstract, notions of universal harmony. Moreover, it is specific instances of wrong doing that must be identified and corrected in order to preserve those affected from spiritual harm. On the other hand, it is felt that health and security depend upon the faithful observance of adat. Only by acting in accordance with its provisions are the members of a community able to live at peace with one another and in a state of ritual well-being with respect to the spiritual world.

“Each Iban,” as Heppell (1975: 303-304) observes, “belongs to an adat community, the harmony and continued existence of which is dependent on its members behaving as the adat requires.” Unresolved contention divides this community, and so is thought to jeopardize its spiritual and material well-being, while the resolution of contention and redress of breaches of adat represent a triumph of adat that restores the adat community. The health and prosperity of a community, as an expression of divine favor, is ultimately seen by the Iban as a continuing proof of the correctness of adat and a demonstration of its indispensable social and spiritual worth.

Adat

The Iban concept of adat, like cognate notions in other Malayo-Indonesian societies (cf. Hooker 1972, Ter Haar 1948), refers very broadly to rules, canons and sanctions held to be binding by the members of a community. For the Iban, these rules apply to virtually all spheres of human life, social, economic, religious and political.

At the beginning of this study it is important to stress that the author in the following chapters applies the concept of adat broadly, to cover the entire normative framework of traditional Iban life, in accordance with ordinary Iban usage. In contrast to the Malays, the Iban do not distinguish between adat and religious rules and practices; much of Iban adat is believed to be of religious origin or is concerned with ritual observances and other facets of religious life. Also adat for the Iban is not restricted to what is commonly known as “customary law” (Ter Haar 1948: 5). Some elements of Iban adat are enforced by constituted legal means, are sanctioned by fines, for example, imposed by longhouse or regional authorities, or by other accepted forms of redress, but others are not, and both are given equal treatment here. In short, the present study treats the rules of adat that govern various areas of Iban social life, including religion, and is not specifically, or even predominantly, a study of adat law, although attention is given to community sanctions and to the judicial procedures by which adat is, and was traditionally, upheld.

An Iban generally means by adat roughly what an English-speaker means by custom in its broadest sense. Thus adat describes essentially the various things people customarily do and the ways in which they customarily do them. For the Iban virtually every area of human activity has its own particular adat consisting of concrete rules and interdictions. Thus there is marriage adat, adat of mourning, adat concerned with the construction of a new longhouse, farming adat, adat for making sacrifice or propitiating the spirits, and adat for dividing game taken in a communal hunt or fish taken by communal netting. Some account is given here of each of these different bodies of adat. Adat also regulates interpersonal relationships and defines the respective rights and responsibilities of individuals standing in different relationships to one another. It also stipulates the rights persons may enjoy in land and other tangible property and the manner in which these rights may be inherited or otherwise transferred from one person or group to another.

Like the English notion of custom, adat also covers personal habits. In this sense the Iban frequently speak of an individual as having either good or bad adat. To have good adat implies not only that a person’s behavior is in accordance with the specific rules of adat accepted in his community, but also that it exemplifies more abstract ideals, such, for example, as generosity or personal courage. Thus the notion of adat is seen by the Iban as embracing more general values, moral norms and standards. Besides innumerable rules governing social and ritual behaviour, adat in addition, therefore provides an essential measure, or gauge, against which the conduct of individuals can be judged. Although the Iban are relatively homogeneous culturally, there are, nonetheless, notable local differences in adat, and in the case of ritual prohibitions (pemali) variations exist even between families. Most Iban recognize that what is right in one community may be judged differently in another. A basic principle evoked when strangers have dealings with one another is that each party should, as far as possible, respect the adat of another person.

From this it follows that the Iban generally view adat as something rather more binding, and less tangential to the existence of orderly social life, than is generally implied by the English notion of custom. In this sense, the Iban concept differs. Large areas of adat have a strongly normative character. Thus rules of adat tend to stipulate, in a normative sense, what an individual should or should not do in varying circumstances.

Adat defines correct behaviour and is seen as essential to the maintenance of moral order and the continued existence of society itself. A violation of adat is described as penyalah, a “wrongful act”. While specific rules of adat vary, all Iban share basically similar notions of what constitute penyalah. The Iban frequently argue that the fact that a particular rule of conduct is adat is reason in itself why it should be followed. In describing Iban judicial process, Heppell (1957: 303) observes that a statement by a respected elder that a particular rule is adat is sufficient to clarify the provisions of the rule, and when this is done and accepted, there is little necessity to seek precedent to establish its correctness. “The fact that the rule is adat precludes any necessity for further enquiry” (1975: 303).

Wrongful acts contrary to adat evoke disapproval and in many instances are punished. The Iban concept of adat also refers to the ways in which people customarily deal with such acts. When the Iban discuss adat they very often use the term to describe, in any given situation, both the rules of behavior that apply and also the correct punishment to be meted out should these rules be transgressed. The term adat applies to both. For many transgressions, punishment takes the form of fines, or reparations of value. The notion of fines (tunggu) is closely associated with adat and written codifications of adat are characteristically described as tusun tunggu, or “fine lists” (cf. Richards 1963).

Traditionally tunggu is reparation payable to the injured party and mutually agreed to by both disputants. This is distinguished from the more recent ukum, an imposed fine or penalty, retained all or in part by the government or presiding authority. After the arrival of the Brookes in 1841, Iban fines were systematized and assigned monetary equivalents. In the first chapter of this study the author describes the major scale of fines used today by Iban judicial authorities in the Second Division of Sarawak. Later, in listing specific rules of adat, he stipulates in each case the appropriate class of fines levied in the event of its violation. Generally these fines are stated as maxima and may be reduced depending on circumstances.

Many wrongful acts have also spiritual implications (ngasoh samengat siga or Liar Samengat) and so require ritual propitiation. Some are thought to disturb relations with the spiritual world and unless repaired by ritual means are believed to provoke supernatural retaliation. For serious offences, such as incest, supernatural danger may extend to the whole community to which the transgressor belongs. In such cases, ritual redress is aimed at preserving the group’s collective well being.

In addition, violations of adat that cause personal injury, or result in damage or loss of possessions, are perceived by the Iban as an attack upon the victim’s soul, or spiritual personality. Such acts therefore require ritual redress aimed at reviving the victim’s soul, either by itself or in addition to fines. Thus wrongful acts often have spiritual consequences, or are thought to invite supernatural punishment, and these notions further reinforce the moral authority of adat, and the application of fines and more diffuse social sanctions in maintaining compliance.

Ultimately every person is thus the member of an adat community, the continued existence of which is believed to depend upon his behaving in accordance with its accepted norms and sanctions. When a person is the victim of a transgression, he is expected to minta adat, “to ask for adat”, meaning, specifically, that he is expected to insist upon compensation in accordance with the stipulations of adat (cf. Heppell 1975: 318). The responsibility of the longhouse headman and other community elders is to see to it that correct fines and ritual sanctions are applied and every act of redress is looked upon as a triumph of adat that restores the social harmony and spiritual health of the adat community.

Program Master enggau Ph.D Bahasa Iban ba Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris (UPSI)

PROGRAM MASTER & Ph.D BAHASA IBAN
Enggau basa ti besai sereta gaga ati aku ngansak bala kitai Iban belajar baru enggau bejalaika pansik ti bekait enggau kitai bansa dalam program Master enggau Ph.D Bahasa Iban ba UNIVERSITI PENDIDIKAN SULTAN IDRIS (UPSI).

Kedua-dua program tu program pansik penuh (by research). Reti nya lebuh maya ke minta, kita meseti bisi nganjung rangka proposal ti nyengkaum:

1. Research background
2. Problem statement
3. Objectives
4. Research questions
5. review of literatutre ti bisi bekait enggau study nya
6. Methodology: Research design, venue, participants, instruments, data collection procedure, data analysis.

Kita ke bisi ati deka minta program tu ulih milih siku ari penyelia entara Dr. Rosline Sandai tauka Dr. Chemaline Usop.

Peminta ulih digaga ni maya. Tang enti deka berengkah bejalaika pansik/belajar bulan September tu ila, peminta meseti dianjung diatu laban panel penilai deka berati sereta betatika proposal ti digaga kita dulu.

Kus Program Master:
Minimum – 3 semester (1.5 tahun)
Maximum – 10 sem (5 tahun)
Kus Register =RM460.00
Kus Semester – RM1,195.00 x 4 sem =RM5,240.00

Kus Program Ph.D:
Minimum – 6 sem (3 tahun)
Maximum – 14 sem (7 tahun)
Kus Register – RM460.00
Kus Semester -RM RM1,457.00 x 8 sem =RM12,120.00

Peminta sechara online tau dipeda ditu: http://ips.upsi.edu.my
Kus pelajar ti nyentuk agi tau dipeda ditu: http://ips.upsi.edu.my/index.php/prospectus.student/fees.structure/local-tuition-fees

Tanya ti silik agi tau dipanjaika ngagai Penyelaras Bahasa Iban (UPSI) Dr. Rosline Sandai ba:
Talipaun: 05 4505407
Email: rosline@fbk.upsi.edu.my

Terima kasih. Iban mansang!

Allen Charlie

Asal Penatai Timang

Dalam leka main timang, kitai suah ninga nama timang jalung, timang kenyalang enggau timang tapang. Pengawa timang (chants) tauka pengap tu endang iya bekaul enggau pengarap lama kitai Iban ti dikumbai beburung. Sebedau  pengawa  nimang tu berengkah, piring deka disediaka dikena mujuk tauka nundukka semengat sida ti dikangauka.

Pun penatai timang tauka pengap tu endang iya sigi ari asuh antu tauka Petara ti dikumbai Lang Sengalang Burung. Agi kelia menya, mensia enggau jelu segulai pendiau. Nyadi, hari siti, Lang Sengalang Burung belaya berebutka rian (tandan rian melunjung) enggau Apai Keling, Ribai sereta Sabit  Bekait. Nitihka jerita, pun rian tu ulih ngasilka mayuh macham buah. Nya alai pun tu diperebutka bala sida sebuat nya tadi.

Beduduk ari laya nya ngujungka sida empat tu tadi enda ulih sependiau agi. Nya alai, Apai Keling lalu pindah ngagai Panggau Libau. Ribai pindah ke menua ngilah tasik. Sabit Bekait Anchung Selung Bebelit pindah ke Tuchung Besanjung Sinjang Tati Redai Isang (Towering Bridge) mindah ke langit lalu bala Iban pindah ke Batang Ai. Sebedau bala Iban pindah ke Batang Ai, Lang Sengalang Burung, Apai Keling, Ribai enggau Sabit Bekait madahka bala Iban jalai ke menua sida iya. Enggau nya, sida ngasuh bala Iban mengap tauka nimang ngambika sida nemu kitai Iban ngangauka sida.

Lebuh sida ninga nama jalai ti disebut dalam timang tauka pengap nya, sida nemu tekala nya bala Iban minta tulung. Lang Sengalang Burung enggau bala Iban agi meruan manah enggau pangan diri laban seduai nadai enggau berebutka rian maya nya. Sida iya agi sepengabang tang sida ke bukai terus enggai bepeda lalu bemunsuh enggau pangan diri.

Tanya Indu

Di kena nyadika jaku pemuka senentang leka main tanya indu tu, dulu aku ngenang ngelansa pasal kitai Iban ti merambu deka jadi melaki bebini nitihka adat enggau sempekat asal kitai bansa. Nyadi, chara tauka adat kitai Iban jadi melaki bini tu bisi 3 macham. Iya ke-terubah iyanya “Nanya Indu”, ke-2 nya “Anjung Lekaki”, lalu ke-3 nya “Nama ke Diri”.

“Nanya Indu” tu pengawa Adat, lalu “Tanya Indu” tu pengawa ti bebungaika jaku maya pengawa “Nanya Indu”. Selalu iya, enti orang besebutka pengawa ti Nanya Indu, dia dih indu deka nitihka lelaki pulai ke menua iya, pulai ke lelaki, reti iya “Nguai” ke lelaki. Terang enggau silik ke-agi senenang ripih pengawa Nanya Indu tu deka dikenang aku dalam karang ti nangkan ke tu ila. Chara ti jadi melaki bini ngena pengawa “Anjung Lelaki” mai reti lelaki “Nguai” ke indu. Lalu adat “Nguai” ti dibai ngena chara “Nama ke Diri” nya bepanggai ba sapa ti nama ke diri ngagai ruang bilik sapa. Enti lelaki nama ke diri, reti iya lelaki nya deka nguai ke indu, lalu enti indu nya nama ke diri ngagai lelaki, reti iya indu nya deka nguai.

Leka ka kitai dulu kenang ngelansa nya tadi, kitai pulai ngenang karang kitai ke sekali tu. Pengawa tauka atur Nanya Indu tu mih ti nyadi sereta mengkang dititih sereta dikena bejadika orang ti deka jadi melaki bini bepun ari kelia nyentukka seharitu. Taja pan kitai Iban di rumah panjai enggau mengeri diatu udah tebal agi jadi melaki bini ngena jalai ti moden, jalai atur adat sigi dipejalaika kitai taja iya enda chulin baka ti dulu, tang ripih pengawa nanya indu nya sigi bisi alaika apai indai lelaki deka dulu mesu ngagai apai indai indu, bebungaika jaku madahka anak bujang diri bisi merambu deka ngambi anak indu sida iya nyadika bini.

Bepanggaika jaku aya Guang Ganda, 74 taun ianya siku lemambang ari Tanjung Sikup, Melupa Saratok lebuh maya iya ditanya ba rumah sida apin lama, iya mandangka jaku “Nunda batang adat Iban kelia, enti lelaki udah mutuska diri deka nyadi enggau indu ke alai iya ngayap, bala sida lelaki sebilik baka apai enggau indai sereta kaban belayan ti bukai patut baum lalu nanya sereta ngemaya haribulan deka nanya indu nya”.

Kena ngepunka pengawa nanya indu, bala ari sepiak lelaki nganjung raban ti mit ngagai sepiak indu. Raban tu mih ti selalu nyengkaum bala sida sebilik tang enda mai apai indai indai indu nya empu, laban raban keterubah tu sigi bala aya enggau ibu lelaki nya, tau kekadang dua tiga iku aja semina dikena bebunga jaku. Reti nya tadi kena ngisik ngagai bala apai indai indu pasal bisi lelaki ke bisi perambu deka nyanay indu nya nyadi ke bini tauka madah bisi apai indai lelaki deka minta indu nya nyadi menantu sida.

Nangkanka pengawa nya, enti apai indai indu setuju nerima perambu tu, nya baru bala sepiak lelaki lalu terus enggau atur nanya indu munyi ke udah disebut dulu tadi. Raban sida sekali tu lebih mayuh agi tubuh sri raban ke ngepun ke jaku tadi. Apa iya seduai indai lelaki nya mega deka sama enggau raban tu, laban maya ke nanya indu tu mih sida lalu nguai pulai ngagai bilik lelaki, taja pan sigi udah nyengala, reti nanya indu nya sigi tuju iya minta undu nya pulai ngagai bilik lelaki taja pan ukai semua nyadi bakanya, laban bisi agi atur ke dikumbai ngambi indu udah bekau tu ila.

Kelimpah ari nya, ba runding penemu aya Gregory Mawar, iya bisi mandangka enti apai indai indu nya enda tentu nemu bejaku, iya tau ngasuh barang sapa ti landik bejaku ngarika iya. Nya kebuah lebuh Iban nurun ngagai rumah panjai indu ti deka ditanya ke iya nyadi bini, sida suah mai lemambang ti landik bejaku sereta pandai nyadaka leka nanya indu nya awak ke ngarika sida bejaku lebuh sida datai ba rumah indu nya lagi.

Tanya indu ianya mega sebengkah ari leka main ti disadaka lebuh maya orang nanya indu ke bini. Nyadi jaku Tanya indu tu jaku ti besilup reti iya, berambai sereta bebungai. Lebuh maya nanya indu, jaku ti nyemetak nadai dikena orang tang ngena jaku bekarung aja. Baka nya mega, apai enggau indai indu nya pan bisi mega nyediaka orang siku ti landik bejaku awak ke bisi nyaup sida ti nanyaka pejalai sereta nimbal jaku pengari ari sepiak orang ti lelaki. Nya alai, rindu amat kitai ninga sida iya betimbal-timbal jaku lebuh beruruska atur nguai enggau enda nguai tauka ngatur adat bebini belaki

Niti Nali Adat Jadi Melaki Bini

Kitai Iban di rumah panjai enggau di mengeri kemaya haritu tebal agi jadi melaki bini ngena jalai moden. Taja pia, agi mega sekeda ke mengkang sereta keran niti nali adat tikah asal Iban kelia, iya nya melah pinang ngena jalai asal. Nya alai beduduk ari nya, sebedau lambar tu aku bisi kala udah ngenang reti pengawa ngayap ba pengidup lama raban bansa Iban. Dia mega kitai udah nemu, ari pengawa ngayap meh ke nyadi batang jalai pengabis manah sereta ngena dalam adat asal bansa Iban ngiga tawing pengidup, iya nya kena milih orang ke patut ke bini enggau ke laki dalam pengidup aki ini kitai kelia, lebuh maya adat ngayap agi dikemeranka.

Ngena peluang tu mega aku deka nandu tauka nekan ngelansa tibar karang ti bisi ngenang pengawa Ngayap kitai Iban kelia. Pengawa ngayap tu adat ti meri peluang ngagai bala raban bujang dara beguang, bekelala sereta nanam benih pengerindu, sida iya berandau ba bilik peninduk indu berantaraka kibung, nadai pengawa ti beleman enggau pangan diri nyadi dalam sepemanjai lelaki ke ngayap indu, lalu adat ngayap tu semina mungkur leman pengidup bansa Iban aja, nya alai, nadai bansa bukai tau ngayap indu iban, lelaki Iban mega enda tau ngayap indu bansa bukai. – Tu penemu asal.
Taja pan rambau tauka rebak baru diatu udah ngelengka pengawa begayap pangan diri, kitai enda ulih muai penemu pasal ngayap sereta enggau kait iya enggau pengawa jadi melaki bini kelia. Nyadi kelimpah ari atur melaki bini asil ari pengawa lelaki ngayap indu, tauka bisi dikumbai orang tuai kelia, bini ulih diri empu, bisi mega orang jadi melaki bini ari padu tauka ari pilih apai enggau indai. Tu ukai mina nyadi dulu kelia, tang sigi agi bisi nyadi kemayatu, lalu ukai mina nyadi dalam raban bansa Iban tang mega ba raban bansa bukai mega.
Bisi mega ke nyadi ari peneka diri empu, lalu jadi manah enggau pangan diri. Seduai tu betemu ukai tegal lelaki ngayap, tang nyangka ari jalai bukai, betemu lebuh bisi pengerami. Lalu baka diatu nyangka tak betemu dalam sekula tauka alai bukai.

Endang sigi baka adat dunya pengerindu, enti sama deka ke pangan diri, seduai nadai salah jadi, asal meh nadai penanggul bukai baka salah ba adat baka anak jadi enggau pangkat aya tauka pangkat apai iya, tauka lelaki jadi enggau menyadi indai iya sereta kes jadi salah bukai mega. Kebuah enda tau, enggaika kudi menua enti nadai atur kena nabar penyalah nya.

Kena Ngemun pengawa nanya indu, bala sepiak lelaki selalu nganjung raban ti mit ngagai sepiak indu. Raban tu selalu nyengkaum bala sida sebilik tang enda mai apai indai indu nya empu, laban raban keterubah tu sigi bala aya, bala ibu lelaki nya – kekadang dua tiga iku aja – kena bebungaka jaku. Reti nya kena ngisik ngagai bala apai indai indu pasal bisi lelaki ke bisi perambu deka nanya indu nya ke bini tauka madah bisi apai indai lelaki ke deka minta indu nya ke menantu sida.
Lalu enti apai indai indu setuju nerima bantai perambu tu, nya baru bala sepiak lelaki lalu terus enggau atur nanya indu munyi ke udah disebut dulu tadi. Raban sida sekali tu lebih mayuh agi tubuh ari raban ke ngemunga jaku tadi. Apai seduai indai lelaki nya mega deka sama enggau dalam raban tu, laban maya ke nanya indu tu meh sida lalu minta indu nya lalu nguai pulai ngagai bilik lelaki, taja pan sigi udah terang nyata, reti nanya indu nya sigi tuju iya minta indu nya pulai ngagai bilik lelaki taja pan ukai semua nyadi bakanya, laban bisi siti agi atur ke dikumbai ngambi indu udah bekau tu ila.
Adat Iban kelia, nadai pengawa betunang taja pan diatu orang rebak baru bisi betunang kena nyendia diri deka jadi. Nya alai lebuh ke bebungaka jaku tadi, enti apai indai indu enda nerima, utai nya patut diteju pia aja, anang ngasuh utai nya ngemediska ati sida sepiak lelaki. Tang enti iya diterima, nitih adat asal ke bendar, pekara pasal nguai munyi ke disebut tadi patut dibantai sereta diputarka dulu.

Enti dua piak udah setuju pasal nguai, lalu setuju deka ngerami seduai jadi melaki enggau pengawa chukup besai sereta rami, pengerami nya dikumbai Melah Pinang, tauka enti mit aja, tu disebut Beterang Nikah aja, iya nya kena beterang ngagai orang mayuh seduai nya jadi melaki bini. Dua bengkah atur tu sigi diterima dalam adat asal enggau tusun tunggu bansa Iban.
Enti ngena atur melah pinang, lalu indu nya ditetapka nguai ngagai bilik laki iya, bala apai indai indai, diri sebilik, kaban belayan enggau sida lelaki nya serumah deka nurun bebala mayuh ngambi indu. Reti tu sida ngambi indu nya ari bilik penaik iya lalu ngemai iya pulai ngagai bilik lelaki. Orang ke ngambi indu deka rami ba serantu jalai, begendang tauka betabuh ngambika nadai ulih ninga bunyi burung tauka jelu, kelebih agi bunyi ke jai enda ngasuh mansang.

Lebuh ke datai ba rumah indu, sida disambut enggau chukup atur sereta pengerami. Orang ke bempu rumah lalu nimbak senapang nuju langit kena ngelai pemesai sereta pemanah basa sambut sida ngagai orang ke datai ngambi indu.

Kelia sida miring dulu sebedau niki kerumah, kekadang kena nabar utai ke jai sereta bepinta penyelap enggau pengerai ari petara. Sida minta petara merekat sida enggau pengelikun sereta pemaik enggau utai bukai ti manah. Udah tembu pengawa miring, bala raban orang ke datai lalu dibai niki sereta tama ngagai rumah panjai orang nya lalu bejalai niti ruai sereta disibur ngena ai tuak sekumbang ke niti ruai sekayu rumah panjai orang nya.

Udah ngundang sekali ngapuska rumah panjai nya, bala pengabang nya lalu d’asuh nikal baru lalu duduk ba ruai indu ke deka ditanya sida nya. Lebuh baru duduk sida sekali agi dijamu enggau ai tuak, dikumbai orangai kena masu kaki.
Sida pan lalu diberi makai. Bala ke lelaki makai di ruai, lalu indu makai di bilik. Enti orang nya mayuh, lalu bilik enda umbas endur semua pengabang indu, nadai ga salah sida makai di ruai. Nyadi orang ke duduk di ruai nya tau ngerampit duduk ba ruai orang sepiak-sepiak nitih pemayuh.

Nya alai maya ke bisi pengerami nya, semua orang serumah nya bela nganchau tikai magang, lalu bala ke bisi tau ga nyendiaka utai d’empa. Taja pia, pemakai ungkupka bala pengabang nya sigi datai ari bilik orang ke bempu pengawa. Udah badu makai, bala sida ke tuai agi, lalu berandau pasal atur adat kena bejadika seduai nya. Bisi mega pengawa dikumbai betusut dipejalaika alai orang ke nemu betusut ngiga tauka nentuka penyauh tali darah seduai ari pangan. Enti kelalu semak sida deka nentu sekalika seduai jadi mali tauka enda.

Ke tambah nya, siku indu ke tinggi pendiau dalam hiraki social bansa Iban deka dipinta mai seluk berisi buah pinang. Pinang nya deka dibelah tiga, lima tauka tujuh ngayuka berapa hari alai gandin melaki bini ba ru nya deka ngundang pinang, iya nya pulai baru ngagai rumah indu nya udah bekau jadi. Reti nya udah indu nya dibai ngagai rumah lelaki, seduai deka nikal baru ngagai rumah indu ngundang pinang selepas tiga, lima tauka tujuh hari, iya nya nitih penyampau belah buah pinang nya.

Pengawa melah pinang enda tepantup ba ati enti nadai pengawa bebiau. Pengawa bebiau tu alai siku orang ke tuai sereta bepenemu miau enggau siku manuk lelaki seduai ke baru jadi nya ke duduk atas setawak belapik enggau pua kumbu, sereta ngena ngepan asal bansa Iban. Seduai mega d’apit siku indu enggau siku lelaki bukai ke sama dara enggau bujang.

Bebiau tu ba ruai lalu kena minta berekat ari Petara ngambika seduai begulai jadi melaki bini dalam pengelantang enggau pengelikun, chelap embap, beranak betelesak lalu jadi sampai seduai ninggalka dunya injau tu ila. Bisi ga atur bebiau tu dipejalaika ba rumah lelaki aja, enti indu nya nguai kin, tang nadai salah dipejalaika ba rumah indu mega. Nya nitih peneka sida empu pengawa.
Udah tembu pengawa bebiau, nya baru buluh baling malam nya ngerah ngagai orang mayuh seduai nya diatu tau dikumbai melaki bini.

Kena nganti ke siang, bala orang malam nya lalu terus berami ngirup, betundi tauka betabuh sereta ngajat enggau mayuh main bukai.
Bisi mega orang ke bipar, enggau berisan. Reti bipar tu, lelaki ke jadi enggau indu nya deka bekala enggau bala ipar iya ari sepiak indu, lalu bakanya mega ari sepiak lelaki mesti madah ngagai indu nya sapa ke kena pangkat ipar iya. Lalu raban ari dua piak nya lalu bekelala enggau sida sepiak nyin sereta b’ambu diri nyadi ipar.

Bala sida ke kena pangkat apai indai sepiak indu enggau lelaki mega lalu ngiga isan diri empu. Tu kumbai pengawa bisan tauka ngiga isan lalu b’ambu isan.
Nyau siang hari orang ke ngambi indu nya lalu ngemai iya pulai ke rumah lelaki. Malam indu nya baru datai ba rumah lelaki, orang serumah nya pan lalu ngerami penatai iya.

Jaku Tambah: Chara kitai Iban jadi melaki bini nya bisi 3 macham, keterubah iya nanya indu, kedua nya anjung lelaki, penudi endar nya namaka diri. Utai tu deka dikenang dalam karang kitai ke dudi ila. Jenguk-jenguk mih ruai tudah pangan.🙂

12 Bulan Taun Iban

Kitai Iban bisi ngembuan tesa bulan genap setaun kitai empu. Tu mih jalai kitai Iban kelia ngelai ka maya ti patut alai ngepunka pengawa bumai baka nebas, maya nunu, maya ngetau enggau pengawa umai ti bukai. Bulan kitai Iban dudi sebulan ari tesa bulan Perintah, Bulan 1 kitai Iban, bulan 12 bulan perintah. Ba baruh tu dirintaika aku ripih tesa sereta nama siti-siti bulan Iban ari bulan 1 ngagai bulan 12, disempulangka mega enggau pengawa asal kitai Iban kelia ti bepanduka iya. (Aku bepun ari bulan 5 bulan Iban, tauka bulan April bulan perintah laban bulan tu mih maya kitai Iban kelia ngepun ka pengawa bumai taun).

Bulan Turun Panggul (Bulan Lima Bulan Iban)

  • Bulan April Bulan Perintah
  • Bulan maya Iban manggulka umai

 

Bulan Sandih Tundan (Bulan Nam Bulan Iban)

  • Bulan May Bulan Perintah
  • Bulan maya Iban nebang kayu rimba, kayu besai, kayu kampung

 

Bulan Tujuh (Bulan Tujuh Bulan Iban)

  • Bulan June Bulan Perintah

 

Bulan Belanggang Reban (Bulan Lapan Bulan Iban)

  • Bulan July Bulan Perintah
  • Bulan maya Iban ngerangkaika reban umai bukit

 

Bulan Kelebun (Bulan Sembilan Bulan Iban)

  • Bulan August Bulan Perintah
  • Bulan maya Iban nunu enggau berengkah nugal umai bukit

 

Bulan Labuh Benih (BulanSepuluh Bulan Iban)

  • Bulan Deptember Bulan Perintah
  • Bulan maya Iban nugal pagi bukit

 

Bulan Gantung Senduk (Bulan Sebelas Bulan Iban)

  • Bulan October Bulan Perintah
  • Bulan maya Iban bagas abis padi/beras

 

Bulan Chechanguk (Bulan Dua Belas Bulan Iban)

  • Bulan November Bulan Perintah
  • Bulan maya Iban badu mantun umai bukit

 

Bulan Pangka Di Labu (Bulan Satu Bulan Iban)

  • Bulan December Bulan Perintah
  • Bulan maya padi bukit baru tuai buah

 

Bulan Empalai Rubai (Bulan Dua Bulan Iban)

  • Bulan January Bulan Perintah

 

Bulan Emperaga / Bulan Empikap (Bulan Tiga Bulan Iban)

  • Bulan February Bulan Perintah
  • Maya Iban ngetau padi bukit

 

Bulan Lelang (Bulan Empat Bulan Iban)

  • Bulan March Bulan Perintah
  • Bulan maya Iban lepa ari pengawa bumai, nya alai kitai Iban kelia nguna awak tu alai begiga, pegi tauka ngayau.